Summary of "Deshalb geht unsere Heimat gerade vor die Hunde (Björn Höcke)"

Overview

Björn Höcke, associated with right-wing nationalism, argues that Germany’s growing diversity and migration—especially since 2015—has weakened social trust, public order, and the foundations of the rule-of-law state. He portrays multiculturalism as inherently “fast, harsh, cruel, and lacking solidarity,” claiming it undermines long-established norms that allow citizens to live together safely and peacefully.

Key Claims and Reasoning

Loss of the “society of trust”

Höcke links increased insecurity—such as more violence in public spaces and declining school performance—to what he calls the “disintegration” of Germany’s historical trust-based social cohesion.

He cites the idea attributed to legal scholar Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: a liberal/secular state depends on pre-political moral and cultural conditions that the state cannot fully guarantee itself.

State responsibility equals safety → restrict multiculturalism

Because he views public safety as the state’s primary task, he calls for ending multiculturalization of Germany and reversing it where possible. He frames this as a policy conclusion rather than hatred toward individuals.

Assimilation failure (especially non-European immigration)

Höcke claims many newcomers from non-European backgrounds are unable or unwilling to integrate, often replacing German language use and abandoning cultural norms. He distinguishes between individual cases and what he portrays as systemic outcomes after 2015.

Demographic and political warning

He argues that if Germans become a minority and cultural transmission breaks down—including in parts of cities—Germany will have “no future.” He predicts a broader Western European “civilizational rupture” and “cultural meltdown.”

Proposed Policies

Zero non-European immigration, moratorium, and reversal of 2015-era decisions

He proposes:

Specific Examples and Arguments

Citizenship and naturalization

Höcke points to rising naturalizations (e.g., in Cologne and Berlin) and claims the new citizenship law would enable rapid access to full voting rights for people he says have limited integration and German competence.

“Remigration” / Denmark model

He endorses remigration as a normal and necessary step, opposing what he describes as extremist stigma.

He cites Denmark under Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen as a model:

He argues Germany is moving toward “deliberate suicide” via long-term status and citizenship policies.

Condition-based removal of tolerated status

He argues that if people have no right to asylum, they should have no tolerated stay and must leave.

Historical precedent: Kohl-era return assistance

He recalls a return assistance law (1983/84) attributed to Helmut Kohl, describing financial support for guest workers (especially Turkish workers) to leave voluntarily—claiming it led to large numbers returning.

Incentives and social pressure

He suggests reducing “comfort” and increasing pressure to assimilate as a positive driver of return/remigration, while also claiming not to be a “purity fanatic.”

Citizenship Law Reform

Shift toward “blood-based” citizenship (jus sanguinis)

Höcke criticizes the existing citizenship principle and calls for moving away from land-based citizenship (“jus soli”) toward blood-based citizenship (“jus sanguinis”), arguing this preserves ethnocultural continuity of the German people.

Immigration history argument

He concedes immigration historically existed, but portrays earlier influxes as smaller (“trickle”) and beneficial, contrasting them with post-2015 “flash flood” migration.

He cites examples such as Huguenot refugees after the Thirty Years’ War to argue earlier immigration did not fundamentally transform the native population.

Hard Conclusion

He intensifies the moral and legal framing, repeatedly suggesting that current policies amount to a “murder plot” or systematic destruction of a people, and claims they are blatantly unconstitutional.

Presenters / Contributors Mentioned

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