선조-1. 서인 vs 동인

Overview

With King Seonjo’s accession, the Sarim faction—formed from provincial roots and guided by the scholarly lineage of Jo Gwang-jo (and later associated with major teachers like Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok, Toegye Yi Hwang, and Nammyeong Jo Sik)—rises to prominence as the Hungu faction declines near the end of King Myeongjong’s reign.

Seonjo becomes the setting for a new era, but also for renewed faction-building inside the court.

Main Developments and Arguments in the Narration

1) Seonjo’s succession triggers “factionalism” centered on restoring Yi Hwang

• The Sarim seek to reinstate Yi Hwang as Prime Minister.

• Even though court officials appoint someone else, the Sarim score a major victory aligned with their earlier goals:

  • They help secure the confiscation of Jo Gwang-jo.
  • They support the removal of Nam Gon from office. These successes had long been pursued but repeatedly failed—until Seonjo’s first year.

• The Sarim’s hopes are disrupted when Yi Wang (Yi Hwang) resigns again and returns to his hometown. The cause is framed not only as reluctance, but as ministers blocking him, shifting the conflict directly against powerful officials.

2) Conflict escalates between Sarim radicals and minister-led conservatives

• The central target becomes Chief State Councilor Yi Jun-gyeong, described as upright and essential during earlier incidents (including the Eulmyo Incident), but resistant to provincial scholars whom he views as insufficiently grounded in reality.
• The ministers criticize the Sarim’s radical approach; the Sarim condemns the ministers in return.

• This dynamic produces an official split in court politics:

  • Old Party (centered on the ministers)
  • Small Party / New Sarim (centered on the newly empowered Sarim group)

• Leaders identified:

  • Yi Jun-gyeong leads the Old Party.
  • Gi Dae-seung leads the Small Party and becomes associated with the Sarim’s “representative” role in its purges.
• The Old Party retaliates by targeting Gi Dae-seung as the primary victim.
• As factional discord worsens, Yi Hwang encourages Gi Dae-seung to step down and retreat.

3) Faction reorganization after leadership deaths; deeper structural conflict begins

• The narration argues that even after Gi Dae-seung withdraws, the Sarim vs. Old Party struggle does not resolve cleanly.
• In King Seonjo’s fifth year, the death of Yi Jun-gyeong causes the Nodang faction to disband naturally, and power shifts to newly elected officials.
• Yi Jun-gyeong’s will to the King becomes a thematic turning point: even without legal wrongdoing, differing views lead to ostracism—so the priority should be ending political turmoil.
• Yet the story implies his warning was prescient: factional signs are already emerging within the Sarim’s next generation.

4) Royal maternal relatives become a flashpoint inside the Sarim

• The narration introduces Sim Ui-gyeom, younger brother of Queen Insoon (King Myeongjong’s queen), part of the “royal maternal relative” network.
• Although royal maternal relatives are often linked to Hungu power (e.g., Yun Won-hyeong), Sim Ui-gyeom is portrayed as different:
  • He previously helped defend the Sarim (through impeachment efforts).
  • He earned their trust.
• Still, the Sarim faction has deep aversion to royal relatives, since earlier Hungu power also rose from that same background—so some Sarim figures begin to dislike Sim.

5) “2jo Jeongrang” personnel power triggers an internal Sarim split

• Before Yi Jun-gyeong’s death, he is said to signal impending turmoil and submits a “peculiar candidate” tied to personnel authority:
  • Second Minister of Personnel positions described as 2jo Jeongrang, with “lottery” power over certain appointments.

• The narration outlines why this role is politically decisive:

  • It influences appointments.
  • It restrains ministers during personnel processes.
  • It handles consent tied to key offices.
  • It even recommends successors. Together, these make personnel control an ideal battlefield for faction dominance.

• The candidate blocking conflict:

  • Sim Ui-gyeom obstructs Gi Myo-won by preventing his appointment to the important personnel post.
  • Separately, Kim Yo-won is eventually appointed later after misunderstandings are clarified.

6) The East–West split (“Dongin” vs “Seoin”) formalizes within the Sarim

• After Gi Myo-won is blocked and Kim Yo-won’s position becomes more secure, factional revenge and ideological alignment intensify.
• Gi Myo-won and supporters attack Sim Ui-gyeom’s interference, fracturing the Sarim’s internal camp.
• When Sim Chung-gyeom appears as a successor candidate, Kim Yo-won uses veto power, effectively questioning whether the personnel position is “exclusive property” of royal relatives—fueling anti-relative sentiment.

• The Sarim split becomes explicitly named and geographically coded:

  • Dongin (Easterners): supporters linked to Kim Hyo-eun / Kim Yo-won’s side, because Kim Yo-won lived in eastern Hanyang.
  • Seoin (Westerners): supporters linked to Sim Ui-gyeom’s side, because Sim Ui-gyeom lived in western Hanyang.

• The narration highlights a symbolic mnemonic:

  • Both group leaders begin with “S”,
  • and the previously hidden underground division finally surfaces.

Presenters / Contributors

• No specific presenter/contributor names are given in the subtitles.