"I'm Going To Change Malaysia" | with Shamsul Saad | Agree To Disagree

Overview

In this interview, host Shamsul Saad (referred to as “Sam”/“Shamsul Saad”) discusses Malaysian politics and social policy, using the Johor/Sarawak-style state election debate as a springboard to argue for deeper national reforms.

1) State elections won’t fix Malaysia

• He dismisses the relevance of state elections (including the Johor/Sarawak comparisons), arguing that Malaysia’s governing direction is not meaningfully changed by state contests.
• He claims political rhetoric on who will form power is largely “same old” and lacks substance for improving citizens’ lives.

2) Core economic theme: distrust and anger over taxes

• He argues Malaysians should become angry at paying taxes, saying taxes are not used well due to corruption, cronyism, and leakage.
• He highlights Malaysia’s burden from past financial decisions tied to IMDB bonds/YMB-style scandal references, arguing citizens still pay for what he calls fraudulent/voidable contracts.
• He cites Goldman Sachs involvement and references a US case/fine as evidence of wrongdoing.
• He criticizes the idea that Malaysia “settled” rather than pursuing tougher action.

3) His proposal: reduce taxes substantially

• He supports reducing taxes, campaigning for bringing individual and corporate tax burdens down to a maximum of 15%.
• He also cites anti-corruption body claims (e.g., MACC “leakages”) to support the view that government waste justifies tax reduction.

4) NEP / constitutional “special privileges”: reform—or replace—with equality goals

• The interview centers heavily on the New Economic Policy (NEP) and Bumiputera “special privileges.”
• He argues the constitution does not clearly quantify “special privileges” (e.g., not explicit in quotas), and that modern politics has used these ideas to entrench advantage rather than upliftment.
• He argues against affirmative action as “outcome-based,” saying the focus should be equal opportunity instead.
• He challenges the effectiveness of NEP implementation, claiming that despite stated goals (such as equity targets), benefits are hijacked by elites rather than reaching intended groups.

5) What must change instead: integrated social reforms (especially education)

• His main alternative is an integrated approach: education quality, health, living conditions, and early childhood development must work together.
• He argues poverty and educational inequality are reinforced by cultural and institutional factors—e.g., disadvantaged children entering systems (mentioned via “tadika/tuis” and “tappis” in subtitles) without comparable access to English, science, and mathematics.
• He argues for preventing rural/urban ghettos and ensuring high-quality public schooling for all children regardless of ethnicity.

6) Mindset and culture over race-proportional politics

• He claims racial segregation has become “uncommon” only because of long-term leadership choices and cultural enforcement—rather than natural coexistence.
• He compares Malaysia’s approach (as he sees it) to Singapore’s demographic/social engineering style (e.g., HDB rules), arguing culture and leadership shaped today’s ethnic enclaves.
• A recurring message is that political and clerical influences shape public thinking, and therefore change requires changing mindsets.

7) Leadership and strategy: he doubts parliament alone can fix Malaysia

• While he discusses possibly entering politics, he repeatedly argues that parliament is not enough and that the system will resist or punish reformers (e.g., themes like “they’ll kick you out” and “system corrupts you”).
• He prefers multiple prongs: activism, media/podcast influence, and possibly local/campaign-level demonstration.
• He argues cultural change can be as important as legal change, citing historical examples where change happened through leadership and persistence.

8) How he imagines political change (if he runs)

• He argues Malaysia’s political structure (first-past-the-post, parliamentary system) requires starting locally or in one constituency first, then expanding impact.
• He emphasizes that constituency-level methodology differs from macro-level national reform.

9) Final goal statement

• His stated end goal is a Malaysia where all Malaysians are equal, and where Malaysia can become “the greatest country in Asia.”
• He also states he is working to reach audiences through content, including plans for more Bahasa Malaysia content to reach those less fluent in English.

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Presenters / Contributors

• Shamsul Saad — interview guest (referred to as “Sam”)
• Host / Interviewer — speaks on behalf of “the good car show”