Pidato Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono di PBB - Liputan Khusus VOA 25 September 2014

Summary of the Speech (25 September 2014, VOA “Liputan Khusus”)

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s address at the UN focuses on how the world should pursue the post-2015 development agenda while also dealing with rising geopolitical tensions. He argues that progress on development depends not only on resources or technical targets, but critically on governance and inclusive participation.

1) Post-2015 development: achievements, gaps, and “smart governance”

• He recalls that the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) brought meaningful gains, including:
  • reductions in poverty
  • higher school enrollment
  • improved public health
• However, he emphasizes that MDG outcomes have been uneven across and within regions and countries, meaning major gaps remain.
• A key lesson, he says, is that the most important driver of change is governance—specifically “smart governance,” combining:
  • innovative leadership, and
  • active public participation.
• Without these, development efforts will not deliver intended results. With them, countries can expand their potential and reduce backwardness.

2) Rethinking global partnerships and what “development” should mean

• Yudhoyono stresses that the MDG period also highlighted the need for a stronger global partnership, but progress in reforming global institutions has been slow.
• He argues the world should learn from “trial and error” to better understand both the promise and pitfalls of development.
• He rejects development that measures success only by material indicators and can dehumanize or marginalize people.
• He calls for sustainable development with equity, where human dignity remains central.

3) Major-power tensions threaten global progress

• He warns that the world risks sliding back toward Cold War patterns, driven by worsening relations among major powers and rising mutual suspicion.
• He argues this benefits no one and must be prevented.
• He lists urgent global conflicts requiring cooperation and constructive diplomacy, including:
  • the Palestinian situation in Gaza and occupied territories (support for a “two-state” solution)
  • the Ukraine conflict and its strain between Russia and the West
  • ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq
• His proposed approach centers on moving from “trust deficit” to strategic trust through:
  • confidence-building
  • forward-looking attitudes
  • win-win diplomacy (rather than zero-sum thinking)

4) Regional example: Southeast Asia’s trust-building model

• He points to Southeast Asia as evidence that improving relations among neighbors enables economic growth and stability.
• He credits ASEAN’s formation for building habits of:
  • dialogue and consultation
  • resolving disputes through negotiation
  • strengthening regional interdependence
• He argues ASEAN’s shift from a divided, insecure region to a more integrated community shows that “strategic trust” can be replicated beyond Southeast Asia.

5) Countering extremism and promoting tolerance

• He identifies intolerance and extremist ideology (including ISIS) as harmful not only to security, but also to the wider Muslim community and true teachings of Islam.
• He frames cultures of peace, freedom, tolerance, moderation, and multiculturalism as Indonesia’s enduring national values and as practical antidotes to extremist prejudice.

6) Indonesia’s track record and global “new globalism”

• He highlights Indonesian achievements to show that democratic governance and reform can coexist with development and stability, including:
  • reducing deforestation via a moratorium
  • improving carbon-emission outcomes
  • maintaining peace after resolving a long conflict in Aceh (described as a 30-year conflict)
  • strengthening peaceful settlement of maritime border disputes
  • demonstrating that democracy, Islam, modernity, and human rights can align
• He argues these examples support his broader claim that a new kind of global order is possible—what he calls a shift toward “new globalism”:
  • where no nation is left behind
  • where no country dominates
  • where responsibilities and protections are shared
• He rejects war as a result of zero-sum games (“winners take all”), warning that today’s winners become tomorrow’s losers.

7) Conclusion: build a “new we” for peace and justice

• He calls for serious collective action to build a world of peace, prosperity, and justice.
• His central closing message is creating a more inclusive collective (“the new we”) so that everyone benefits and no one is excluded.

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Presenters / Contributors

• Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (President of Indonesia; primary speaker)