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Lec 14: Emotions in Groups 2

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Educational

Emotions in Groups

The lecture distinguishes collective group emotions from emotions experienced on behalf of a group, then explains how group identity can shape feelings toward other groups. It focuses especially on stereotypes, prejudice, the role of emotion in intergroup attitudes, and ways to reduce prejudice.

1. Two ways emotions relate to groups

  • Group emotions are experienced collectively by people in a group. For example, spectators may feel joy or anxiety together while watching a match.
  • Emotions on behalf of a group are felt by an individual because of their identification or belonging to a group. They can be experienced while alone and do not require other group members to be present.
    • Someone may feel proud when their country succeeds, or guilty about historical wrongdoing committed by their country, even if they had no personal involvement.
  • How strongly someone feels on behalf of a group depends in part on how strongly they identify with it.

2. Background ideas about groups and emotion

The previous lecture’s discussion of group emotions included several explanations for how groups shape behaviour and feeling:

  • Gustave Le Bon proposed that a “group mind” can emerge in crowds, with people sometimes losing their sense of individual responsibility and acting in ways they might not act alone.
  • Émile Durkheim emphasized collective consciousness, rituals, and symbols as forces that unite group members and help shape emotional experience.
  • William McDougall highlighted humans’ social instincts and emotional contagion—the spread of emotions between people—as contributors to group behaviour.

Emotional contagion can help people bond and pursue shared goals, but it can also spread negative emotions and contribute to conflict.

3. Group identity affects individual emotion and action

Events affecting a group can elicit pride, shame, guilt, anger, or other emotions among people who identify with that group. Research examples discussed include:

  • People born after World War II reporting guilt on behalf of Germany for historical atrocities.
  • Australian participants feeling guilt on behalf of their country for past mistreatment of Indigenous Australians, despite not personally committing those acts.
  • University students being more likely to wear their university’s apparel after a team victory than after a loss. People also tend to say “we” more when describing a team’s victory.

A stronger sense of identification generally predicts stronger emotions on behalf of the group. Such emotions can motivate collective action—coordinated efforts toward a shared goal. For example, students angered by a tuition increase affecting their group may be more willing to join collective opposition.

When a person’s emotion matches the emotions of other group members, their sense of belonging and willingness to participate may increase.

4. Emotions directed toward other groups

Group-based feelings are not limited to one’s own group. In intergroup settings, emotions may be directed at an out-group—people perceived as belonging to a different group. When groups are in conflict, these feelings can include anger, hatred, or fear, and can contribute to harmful behaviour such as discrimination or violence.

5. Stereotypes and prejudice

The lecture distinguishes between two related concepts:

  • Stereotypes

    • Generalized, simplified beliefs about a group.
    • They operate mainly at the level of thought or belief and may be based on assumptions rather than accurate knowledge.
    • Examples include beliefs that women are not as good at maths or science as men, older people are not technologically capable, or all engineers are good at maths.
    • Stereotypes can act as mental shortcuts, but they may produce biased judgments and misconceptions.
  • Prejudice

    • An attitude, judgment, or emotional response toward a person or group based on perceived group membership.
    • It is often negative and may occur without adequate knowledge of the individual.
    • Prejudice includes feelings and attitudes, not just beliefs, and can lead to discriminatory behaviour.
    • A stereotype can contribute to prejudice, especially if it is repeatedly reinforced, but stereotypes do not always become prejudice.

The lecture presents prejudice as more emotionally involved and more likely to influence behaviour than a stereotype alone. It also notes that stereotypes may be easier to change through education and exposure, while prejudice can require deeper change because it involves attitudes and emotions.

6. How emotions contribute to prejudice

The lecture describes several links between emotion and prejudice:

  • Negative feelings toward an out-group can be a stronger predictor of attitudes toward that group than the specific content of a person’s stereotypes.
  • A stereotype may elicit an emotion. For example, believing a group is arrogant may produce dislike. That emotional response can then develop into prejudice.
  • A person’s current emotional state can affect which memories and beliefs come to mind. If someone is already angry or feeling negative, negative examples about an encountered group may be more accessible, making their view of that group more negative in the moment.
  • Research discussed suggests that specific emotions may predict attitudes better than a broad distinction between positive and negative feelings. For example, different groups in one study were associated with different emotions, such as fear or pity.
  • Specific emotions may also predict support for particular policies. Examples mentioned include disgust in relation to attitudes toward gay and lesbian policies, and anger in relation to homeland-security policies concerning Arab Muslims.
  • The effect can depend on the emotion and the group. The lecture notes examples in which anger increased prejudice toward Arabs, while disgust increased prejudice toward gay and lesbian people.

7. Approaches to reducing prejudice

The lecture argues that prejudice is often driven by negative emotions toward out-groups, so reducing it may involve creating conditions for more positive emotional experiences.

  • Increase constructive intergroup contact: Provide opportunities for members of different groups to meet and speak in controlled, constructive settings. Contact can help people learn about one another and challenge misconceptions.
  • Promote education: Accurate information can help correct unsupported generalizations and increase understanding of the harms caused by prejudice.
  • Encourage cooperation: When groups work together toward a shared goal, they have opportunities to build positive feelings and reduce hostility.
  • Help people recognize discrimination: Witnessing an out-group member being treated unfairly may prompt observers to reconsider their assumptions and emotional responses.

Research discussed suggests that positive emotions arising from intergroup contact can help reduce prejudice and increase willingness to engage with out-group members. The lecture also notes that increasing positive emotion may be more effective in some contexts than focusing only on reducing intergroup anxiety.

8. Overall takeaway

Group membership can shape emotions even when people are by themselves. Those emotions may support solidarity and collective action, but they can also intensify negative reactions toward other groups. Understanding the role of identity, emotion, stereotypes, and prejudice can help explain intergroup conflict—and suggests that constructive contact, education, cooperation, and positive emotional experiences can help reduce it.

Speakers and sources mentioned

  • Speaker: Prof. Dilwar Hussain, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IIT Guwahati.
  • Scholars and research sources mentioned: Gustave Le Bon; Émile Durkheim; William McDougall; Cialdini and colleagues (1976); Cottrell and Neuberg (2005); and a study on student anger and collective action whose authors’ names are unclear in the auto-generated subtitles.
  • Other studies described: Research on postwar German guilt, Australian guilt regarding Indigenous Australians, and studies connecting specific emotions with attitudes toward social groups and policies. Some names in these references are unclear in the subtitles.

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